Tradutores médicos e a ideia de tradução em Portugal em fins do século XVIII: o caso dos livros de medicina / Medical translators and the idea of translation in Portugal in the late eighteenth century: the case of books on medicine

Resumo O estudo demonstra como as traduções para a língua portuguesa influenciaram o mercado editorial, além de tentar compreender o estabelecimento da norma culta da língua portuguesa em fins do século XVIII. Fazendo um recorte temático sobre os textos de medicina, no universo de obras traduzidas, publicadas ou não, para o português no período 1770-1810, recorre aos paratextos dos tradutores - e, eventualmente, editores - dos livros médicos ou farmacêuticos, cruzando-os com as censuras dessas obras, feitas por médicos especialmente designados pelos órgãos de censura, ou por médicos/censores, a fim de buscar respostas, ainda que parciais, às perguntas sobre a circulação da palavra impressa, à difusão do conhecimento científico e aos debates relativos à definição da língua portuguesa.

Abstract This study demonstrates how translations into Portuguese influenced the publishing market in the late eighteenth century and sheds light on the establishment of standard Portuguese. Focusing specifically on medical texts translated into Portuguese from published works or manuscripts between 1770 and 1810, the translators' - and occasionally the editors' - paratexts in the translated books on medicine and pharmacy are investigated and cross-referenced against reports written by the censors on the same works, themselves physicians appointed by the censorship bodies or physicians/censors, in a bid to seek out answers, however incomplete they may be, to questions about the circulation of the printed word, the spread of scientific knowledge, and the debates concerning the definition of the Portuguese language.

An eighteenth century travelling theodolite / Um teodolito viajante do século XVIII

Abstract An old topographic compass displayed in a showroom of the Museu de Astronomia e Ciências Afins (MAST), in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, took our curiosity namely because of its resemblance to a theodolite, described by J.H. de Magellan. Not many things were known about its previous history. From the different documents studied, and the characteristics of this singular theodolite, it must have belonged to the collections of instruments acquired for the Brazilian border demarcations undertaken after the Santo Ildefonso Treaty, agreed to by the Portuguese and Spanish courts in 1777. Several instruments were bought in London, and supervised and chosen by Magellan, the Portuguese instruments expert. We present arguments in favour of this conclusion.

Resumo Um antigo compasso topográfico em exibição no Museu de Astronomia e Ciências Afins (Mast), no Rio de Janeiro, chamou-nos a atenção por sua semelhança com um teodolito descrito por João Jacinto de Magalhães. Pouco era conhecido sobre sua história prévia. De acordo com os diversos documentos estudados e as caracteríticas desse único teodolito, ele deve ter pertencido às coleções de instrumentos adquiridos para a demarcação das fronteiras brasileiras realizadas após o Tratato de Santo Ildefonso, acordado entre as cortes portuguesa e espanhola em 1777. Vários instrumentos foram comprados em Londres, supervisionados e escolhidos por Magalhães, o perito português em instrumentos. Apresentamos argumentos que corroboram essa conclusão.

Relatos de Luís Gomes Ferreira sobre a saúde dos escravos na obraErário mineral (1735) / Luís Gomes Ferreira reports on the health of slaves in his work entitled Erário mineral (1735)

O artigo analisa os relatos de Luís Gomes Ferreira publicados no manual de medicina prática Erário mineral, de 1735, sobre as doenças mais comuns no cativeiro. Mostra-se que tais relatos podem ser interpretados como uma crítica às relações sociais escravistas, por apresentar algumas advertências aos senhores que descuidavam da saúde dos seus escravos.

The article analyzes the reports of Luís Gomes Ferreira published in his manual on practical medicine entitled Erário mineral, of 1735, on the most common illnesses in captivity. It is shown that such reports can be interpreted as a criticism of the social relations of the slave era by issuing some warnings to the landowners who failed to look after the health of their slaves.

Apontamentos acerca da Cadeia do Ser e o lugar dos negros na filosofia natural na Europa setecentista / Notes on the Chain of Being and the place of blacks in eighteenth-century European natural philosophy

Por meio da análise de obras acadêmicas produzidas por filósofos naturais no século XVIII, pretendemos discutir algumas ideias recorrentes acerca da Grande Cadeia do Ser. Para tal, analisamos as relações entre filosofia e teologia natural no período. Reavaliamos ainda alguns elementos da Cadeia do Ser, investigando autores que discorreram sobre o tema em seus escritos. Por fim, elencamos um ponto específico das discussões setecentistas sobre a scala naturae, qual seja, as diversas e nem sempre convergentes ideias de que, a partir de características específicas, haveria diferenças entre os homens, bem como seu consequente lugar na Cadeia do Ser.

This examination of academic works produced by eighteenth-century natural philosophers discusses some recurring ideas about the Chain of Being. To this end, the article analyzes the relations between natural philosophy and theology during the period. It also re-evaluates some elements of the Chain of Being through an exploration of authors who addressed the topic in their writings. Lastly, it identifies a specific element within eighteenth-century discussions of scala naturae, to wit, the various and not always convergent ideas about whether there are differences between humans based on specific characteristics and, consequently, about the places they occupy in the chain of being.

Honorários de um cirurgião na Justiça (Vila Boa de Goiás, 1801) / A surgeon's fees in court (Vila Boa de Goiás, 1801)

Estuda-se a ação judicial de cobrança de honorários, proposta em Vila Boa de Goiás (1801), pelo cirurgião-mor André Villela da Cunha Roza, sendo ré a senhora Joanna da Fonseca Coutinha. Enfoca-se a prestação de assistência médica aos escravos, a escassez e o encarecimento deles, a precariedade da formação de físicos e cirurgiões, assim como problemas éticos na cobrança dos honorários em questão.

The article explores the lawsuit brought by Surgeon-Major André Villela da Cunha Roza against Joanna da Fonseca Coutinha in Vila Boa de Goiás in 1801 to recover fees for his services. It examines the health care rendered to slaves, the scarcity and rising prices of these captives, the precarious training received by doctores and surgeons, and the ethical issues entailed in charging the fees in question.

Perigosas amas de leite: aleitamento materno, ciência e escravidão em A Mãi de Familia / Dangerous wet nurses: breastfeeding, science, and slavery in A Mãi de Familia

Examina de que modo, em A Mãi de Familia, jornal veiculado na Corte (1879-1888), a defesa do aleitamento materno esteve imbricada com questões relativas à escravidão. São analisados, em especial, artigos assinados pelo médico Carlos Costa, principal redator e fundador do periódico. Começando por apresentar o jornal, destaca-se a luta em prol do aleitamento materno como tema de grande relevância, visando educar a mulher para desempenhar satisfatoriamente a maternidade dentro dos parâmetros higiênicos. Discute-se, em seguida, como o fato de a maioria das amas de leite ser escrava influenciou na argumentação contra o aleitamento mercenário. Por fim, analisa-se um conto publicado no jornal, no qual são narradas as desventuras de uma ama de leite cativa.

The article examines how the defense of breastfeeding was intertwined with slavery-related issues in 'A Mãi de Familia', a newspaper that circulated in the city of Rio de Janeiro (1879-1888). A special focus of analysis are the articles signed by physician Carlos Costa, main editor and founder of the periodical. After introducing the newspaper, the text goes on to highlight the fight in favor of breastfeeding, which was a highly notable topic aimed at educating women to fulfill their maternal roles in accordance with hygienic parameters. It then discusses how the fact that most wet nurses were slaves influenced arguments against mercenary breastfeeding. Lastly, it analyzes a story published in the newspaper, which narrates the misfortunes of a captive wet nurse.

Raízes do vitalismo francês: Bordeu e Barthez, entre Paris e Montpellier / The roots of French vitalism: Bordeu and Barthez, between Paris and Montpellier

Analisa as propostas classificadas como vitalistas, formuladas na França no século XVIII. Contextualiza a tradição da escola médica de Montpellier, abordando as concepções fisiológico-médicas de Théophile de Bordeu. Nesse ambiente Paul-Joseph Barthez realizou sua formação original. Sua concepção sobre a autonomia da vida também foi influenciada pela interação com círculos dos enciclopedistas de Paris. No entanto, na formulação desse conceito identificam-se igualmente ruptura e permanência com relação a ambas as linhas de pensamento - a respeito do conceito de ser humano na classificação das ciências prescrita pela Encyclopédie e na tradição típica de Montpellier.

This article analyzes several French eighteenth century physiological theories that later on were classified as vitalist. The overall background is set by the tradition of Montpellier medical school, in particular by the physiological and medical ideas of Théophile de Bordeu. Paul-Joseph Barthez was initially trained in this setting, however, his conception of the autonomy of life was also heavily influenced by the circle of Paris encyclopedists. For this reason, Barthez's elaboration shows elements of continuity and discontinuity regarding both the notion of human being as represented in the classification of sciences of the Encyclopédie, and the typical Montpellier.

The Vitalism of Paul-Joseph Barthez (1734~1806) / 의사학

In The Logic of Life (1970), Francois Jacob (1920~ ), Nobel Prize laureate in Physiology or Medicine (1965), proclaimed the end of vitalism based on the concept of life. More than two decades before this capital sentence condemning vitalism was pronounced, Georges Canguilhem (1904~1995), a French philosopher of medicine, already acknowledged that eighteenth-century vitalism was scientifically retrograde and politically reactionary or counter-revolutionary insofar as it was rooted in the animism of Georg Ernst Stahl (1660~1734). The negative preconception of the term 'vitalism' came to be established as an orthodox view, since Claude Bernard (1813~1878) unfairly criticized contemporary vitalism in order to propagate his idea of experimental medicine. An eminent evolutionary biologist like Ernst Mayr (1904~2005) still defended similar views in This is Biology (1997), arguing that if vitalists were decisive and convincing in their rejection of the Cartesian model (negative heuristics), however they were equally indecisive and unconvincing in their own explanatory endeavors (positive heuristics). Historically speaking, vitalists came to the forefront for their outstanding criticism of Cartesian mechanism and physicochemical reductionism, while their innovative concepts and theories were underestimated and received much less attention. Is it true that vitalism was merely a pseudo-science, representing a kind of romanticism or mysticism in biomedical science? Did vitalists lack any positive heuristics in their biomedical research? Above all, what was actually the so.called 'vitalism'? This paper aims to reveal the positive heuristics of vitalism defined by Paul.Joseph Barthez (1734~1806) who was the founder of the vitalist school of Montpellier. To this end, his work and idea are introduced with regard to the vying doctrines in physiology and medicine. At the moment when he taught at the medical school of Montpellier, his colleagues advocated the mechanism of Rene Descartes (1596~1650), the iatromechanism of Herman Boerhaave (1668~1738), the iatrochemistry of Jan Baptist van Helmont (1579~1644), the animism of Stahl, and the organicism of Theophile de Bordeu (1722~1776). On the contrary, Barthez devoted himself to synthesize diverse doctrines and his vitalism consequently illustrated an eclectic character. Always taking a skeptical standpoint regarding the capacity of biomedical science, he defined his famous concept of 'vital principle (principe vital)' as the 'x (unknown variable)' of physiology. He argued that the hypothetical concept of vital principle referred to the 'experimental cause (cause experimentale)' verifiable by positive science. Thus, the vital principle was not presupposed as an a priori regulative principle. It was an a posteriori heuristic principle resulting from several experiments. The 'positivist hypothetism' of Barthez demonstrates not only pragmatism but also positivism in his scientific terminology. Furthermore, Barthez established a guideline for clinical practice according to his own methodological principles. It can be characterized as a 'humanist pragmatism' for the reason that all sort of treatments were permitted as far as they were beneficial to the patient. Theoretical incoherence or incommensurability among different treatments did not matter to Barthez. His practical strategy for clinical medicine consisted of three principles: namely, the natural, analytic, and empirical method. This formulation is indebted to the 'analytic method (methode analytique)' of the French empiricist philosopher Etienne Bonnot de Condillac (1714~1780). In conclusion, the eighteenth.century French vitalism conceived by Barthez pursued pragmatism in general, positivism in methodology, and humanism in clinics.

Hermann Boerhaave: A Historiographical Survey The assessment of the position of Hermann Boerhaave in the eighteenth century medicine / 의사학

No abstract available.